The Anglo-Irish Treaty and the Irish Civil War

Author: Colm McInerney

 

The Treaty

It is hard to understand how any young Irishman of sensibility could remain unmoved in [January] 1922 at the sight of a British regiment of soldiers marching out under the great arch of Dublin Castle as our own bedraggled lads marched in, heads high, to take over that fortress of imperial rule-

Dermot Foley¹

Immediately after the truce, Eamon DeValera went to London. He rejected the terms offered to him and returned to Dublin. The Irish wanted a republic, the British were prepared to give no more than Dominion status to an Ireland within the Empire. During the next two months a series of letters passed between DeValera and Lloyd George, which attempted to find common ground between the two sides. Neither side wanted a return to war. During this stage DeValera came up with his external association proposal, which confusing as it was, seemed to hint to Lloyd George that the Irish were preparing to compromise on full independence.

Lloyd George invited DeValera to send a delegation to a conference in London on October 11^th 1921. DeValera, when selecting his team, refused to go himself. The most hard line cabinet republicans, such as Cathal Brugha, also refused to attend. Michael Collins reluctantly agreed to head the team, which was weakened from the offset due to internal frictions and the decision by DeValera, the President of the nominal Irish Republic, not to lead it. Ambiguity surrounded the negotiators’ actual powers. DeValera conferred upon them the title of delegates plenipotentiary, which was their written position, and implied that they had complete power to come to any agreements with the British. However, the delegates were instructed before they left that they should refer back home before any decisions were made. On October 11^th 1921, a small group of Irishmen began the task of negotiating for Irish freedom from the British Empire. Across the table from them sat men of the stature and calibre of Lloyd George, Winston Churchill, Austin Chamberlain and Lord Birkenhead.

Three main issues emerged in the discussions: the status of Ireland and the nature of its link with Britain, the question of whether Ireland was to be reunited or remain partitioned, and the requirements of British security and defence. The issue of defence was disposed of relatively quickly, with Britain retaining certain Irish ports. Thereafter discussion turned to the first two strands. At this point, the Irish delegation were determined to only break off negotiations, if they had to, on the Ulster issue, whereas the British side would favour a breakdown over the imperial issue. The talks ebbed and flowed for two months. James Craig, the Northern Irish Prime Minister, refused to countenace any sort of Irish unity, and was backed by much of the British Conservative Party, some of whom were members of Lloyd George’s cabinet. Lloyd George eventually persuaded the Irish delegation to accept a border, but added that a Boundary Commission would be set up to delineate the actual specifics. Lloyd George wrung from Griffith a written acceptance of the Boundary Commission, which he produced later on much to Griffith’s embarassment. Griffith was forced to honour his pledge and support the idea of the commission, thus meaning that the Irish delegation couldn’t break over the issue of Northern Ireland. Lloyd George strongly hinted that over time partition would become economically and politically unworkable for Northern Ireland, and reunification would occur. Whether or not they believed this, the Irishmen knew that the Ulster Unionists absolute refusal to countenace rejoining Ireland meant that an immediate end to partition was impossible. The delegation eventually accepted the Boundary Commission and the focus turned to the one remaining issue: Ireland’s relationship with the British Empire.

The British side repeatedly rejected any form of DeValera’s external association formula, and Lloyd George began to talk separately to Collins and Arthur Griffith about a compromise. Nothing short of Dominion status was acceptable to the British, both men realised this, and Lloyd George attempted to reach a resolution with them. On November 30^th Lloyd George forwarded to the Irish delegation what he described as the final terms for a treaty, which the delegation brought back with them to Dublin. Griffith, and to a lesser extent, Collins, argued that the British would concede no more, while some of the other delegates argued that major concessions could still be achieved. DeValera implied that with amendments on the constitutional issue, a settlement might still be possible. What exactly he meant by this wasn’t clear. Either the Irish accepted an oath of allegiance to the British crown or not, and all the adjectives in the world wouldn’t be able to hide it. There was no discussion on what the delegates were to do if Lloyd George demanded that they accept or reject the Treaty before consulting with their Dublin colleagues, or what to do if the British threatened an immediate resumption in hostilities if the Treaty wasn’t signed.

Upon their return to London, the delegates were forced, by DeValera, to argue for external association again. Aware that it would fail, they did so half-heartedly (Collins even refused to turn up for the meeting) and it was rejected again by the British side. On December 5^th the talks reached their final day. Griffith was prepared to sign, but began to raise the Northern question again- he wanted some sort of agreement to be won from Craig on Irish unity. However, Lloyd George out-manoeuvred him by producing his written approval on the Boundary Commission, and Griffith accepted to sign without further moves on the Northern question. Winston Churchill describes the reaction of Collins upon realising how Lloyd George had outfoxed Griffith-

Michael Collins rose, looking as though he were going to shoot someone, preferably himself. In all my life I never saw so much passion and suffering in restraint.²

Collins also agreed to sign. The rest of the delegation also signed, some willingly, some reluctantly. The final offer gave Ireland Dominion status. The country was to be known as the Irish Free State and the King would be represented by the Governor General. All members of the Dail were required to take an oath of allegiance to the British crown. Why had Collins agreed to the terms of the Treaty? He knew that the IRA could not defeat the British militarily. They had essentially achieved their negative goal of preventing the British winning the war. But Collins realised the lack of IRA men, the chronic lack of arms and ammunition and the vast military machine that the British possessed all would come back to haunt the IRA if they returned to war. If he didn’t take what was on offer on the table in December 1921, would the Irish get a better chance? His practical nature ruled that the time was right to sign.

Drift towards the Civil War

In the late war against the British we had to put more or less unlimited powers into the hands of our soldiers-

Desmond FitzGerald³

The plain fact is that our civil services have simply played at governing a Republic, while the soldiers have not played at dying for it-

Richard Mulcahy, IRA Chief of Staff⁴

The Treaty split the Irish population. Its supporters saw it as a real achievement after the Anglo-Irish War, a chance for peace in a free country, and possibly a republic would come about slowly, peacefully. For its opponents it was a betrayal that destroyed the Republican dream. The Dail cabinet was split down the middle and thus unable to recommend a policy to the Dail on the Treaty. The Dail voted 64 to 57 in favour of it. Frequently during the Dail debates Griffith and Collins argued that the essential compromise with the British government had come with the decision to negotiate, and that a Republic had never been on the agenda. A return to war couldn’t be justified for the difference between the Treaty and External Association, and anyway, the British government were no more likely to accept External Association any time in the future than the present. Collins spoke publicly of the Treaty as a stepping stone to achieve further freedom for Ireland; privately in IRB circles he hinted that the Treaty was a device for Ireland to build up its own army and eventually force Britain to hand over Northern Ireland.⁵ Tellingly, while upholding the Treaty terms as a government minister and later running the Free State army, Collins was also secretly arming IRA units in the North who were attacking police barracks in a flagrant violation of the Treaty. On March 16^th 1922 a party of IRA men raiding into Northern Ireland were captured, and with them weapons passed on to them by Collins from the British government (who of course were unaware that the weapons would end up there).⁶ The IRA were forced to operate in the North to protect the minority Catholic population who were being driven out of their homes in certain areas by loyalist mobs, fearful of a potential Irish reunification.

Around the country, although clearly a divide, the majority favoured the Treaty. People were sick of war and wanted a return to normal life. Enthusiasm for the Treaty was much greater in more prosperous farming and business areas, which usually lay in the east of the country. There seemed to also be an inherent suspicion of a central government being set up in Dublin, be it British or Irish, by some people in Munster.⁷ The IRA became split between pro and anti-Treatyites, with the GHQ staff mainly pro-Treaty (with some notable exceptions), and most of the provincial commandants were anti-Treaty. The IRA men generally had little regard for Sinn Fein and politicians, and in fact if Michael Collins hadn’t signed and supported the Treaty, it is likely that almost the entire IRA would have been against it. Even with his influence the majority of the army were still anti-Treaty. Richard Mulcahy, the new Minister of Defence having succeeded the anti-Treaty Cathal Brugha, promised that the IRA would remain loyal to the government. However, the army had never been in control of the civil authorities, and certainly no longer felt bound by the decisions of a government that swore allegiance to the English crown. Historian Tom Garvin describes the differences between the two sets of Sinn Feiners: many prominent pro-Treatyites such as Collins, Cosgrave and O’Higgins tended to be better at ‘running things’ (i.e. administration), whereas many prominent anti-Treatyites tended to be better at romantic republican notions or small-scale military action.⁸ In time, the administration of the Irish Free State would defeat the romantic notions of a republic clung to by the anti-Treatyites.

The situation was further complicated by the position of two governments in the new Irish Free State. The Provisional government was a temporary government led by Michael Collins as chairman and its main function was to act as a bridge between what had been and what would be, i.e. the Free State, which was to come into existence on December 6^th 1922. The Dail government, in existence since January 1919, had not yet been dissolved, although its importance was obviously declining in the changing situation. For the ordinary citizen, having two governments overlapping like this was very confusing. Exactly who was in charge? Moreover, the Dail was no longer a constructive or unifying institution. Instead it became the national forum for political division.⁹ Political unity could not be preserved, which allowed the IRA to take centre stage.

On March 26^th 1922 the Anti-Treaty IRA held an Army Convention, despite the Dail prohibiting it. A 16-man Executive was elected which was to be the army’s supreme authority. Rory O’Connor announced to the press that they would not obey Arthur Griffith or his ministers and that they repudiated the Dail. The pro-Treaty IRA leaders viewed this as an attempt to set up a military dictatorship. Throughout the countryside, as British soldiers evacuated their army posts in concurrence with the terms of the Treaty, IRA brigades moved in to replace them. But these groups were not necessarily pro-Treatyites. This led to the ambiguous situation of anti-Treaty IRA men holding military and police strong posts in the provinces. In February, an anti-Treaty Tipperary IRA brigade raided a barracks in Clonmel which had been evacuated by British troops, and seized more than 300 rifles, 200,000 rounds of ammunition, two armoured cars, two armoured Lancia cars, ten ordinary Lancia cars and Crossley tenders and two others cars as well as seven machine-guns and hundreds of boxes of bombs.¹⁰ The fact that factions of the IRA, who repudiated both the Dail and the Treaty, had gained weapons through such raids was a huge worry to the government. The anti-Treatyites (or Irregulars as they became known as) were forced to turn to robbery to finance their military effort. On April 14^th, Rory O’Connor and other Irregulars occupied the Four Courts and other strong points around Dublin. They issued a declaration declaring the Four Courts as the headquarters of the Republican government and refused to recognise the Provisional government. Several armed clashes had occurred around the country, resulting in eight deaths. How long could the Irish government allow such open defiance of it to occur before they would have to assert its authority?

The postponement of the general election didn’t help matters either. The people weren’t given their chance to voice their opinion on the matter, and a vote in support of the Treaty would have greatly strengthened the Dail and Provisional government’s hand. In the next few months, politicians on both sides sought to influence the Irish population. Eamon DeValera set up his own anti-Treaty party, Cumann na Poblachta (League of the Republic) to campaign against the Treaty. DeValera’s speeches included such comments as the Volunteers would have to wade through Irish blood (i.e. kill pro-Treaty IRA men) to achieve Irish independence.

Attempts were made to agree a truce, including the Army Document, which called for political and military reunification and an agreed election which would produce a government supported by the whole country. Yet this was rejected by militant Irregulars, such as Rory O’Connor, and proved unsatisfactory to the British government, who were not prepared to accommodate any further with Republicans. The elections were eventually held in June, with pro-Treaty Sinn Fein receiving 58 votes and anti-Treaty Sinn Fein receiving 36 votes. The pro-Treatyites could now boast that they acted with the will of the people. On June 22^nd Sir Henry Wilson, military adviser to Northern Ireland, was assassinated outside his house in London. Wilson was shot dead by two IRB men who were probably acting on the orders of Collins. Collins probably saw the killing of Wilson as an opportunity to restore IRA and IRB unity through the question of Northern Ireland. The British were unaware of this and concluded that he had been killed by anti-Treatyite Republicans, receiving their orders from the Four Courts. Intense pressure was put on the Provisional government to remove Rory O’Connor and his followers from the Four Courts (the alternative was the British army returning to Ireland to do it themselves), and British military aid was offered. On June 26^th a group of Irregulars kidnapped the Free State Deputy Chief of Staff, General J.J. ‘Ginger’ O’Connell, in response to the capture of an Irregular by the Free Staters (as the pro-Treaty IRA became known). This proved to be the breaking point of the delicate ‘peace’.

It is possible that the Provisional Government believed that the Republican garrison in the Four Courts did not have the support of many other anti-Treatyites, for example Eamon DeValera and his followers. The alternative to attacking them was the possibility of British troops returning to restore order to Ireland. On June 18^th at an Army Convention, the anti-Treaty IRA had split even further. Liam Lynch and the 1^st Southern Division set up a headquarters in the Clarence Hotel, separate to the IRA group in the Four Courts under Rory O’Connor. What Collins and the government may or may not have known is that by June 28^th, when the shelling began, the split in the anti-Treaty army ranks had been healed. Attacking the Four Courts would now almost certainly lead to Civil War.¹¹On June 27^th the evacuation of the Four Courts and the surrender of the Republican garrison was ordered. The garrison refused to surrender. Brigadier General Daly, who was commanding the Free State military operations, ordered the artillery to open fire. The Irish Civil War had begun.

The Rise and Fall of the Munster Republic War by the Irish on the Irish is the kind of political development which I observe with great pleasure-

Lord Birkenhead¹²

Practically every serious challenge in history against the constituted authority of a Nation which has been overcome, has been so overcome by prompt, effective, vigorous and utterly ruthless action-

Hugh Kennedy¹³

The political opponents of the Treaty who had so far remained separate from the anti-Treaty IRA, were forced to choose sides. The Four Courts garrison were shelled and surrendered on June 30^th. The first phase of the Civil War had echoes of the Easter Rising in 1916. The Irregulars had seized key buildings around Dublin such as the Gresham and Granville hotels. A field gun positioned on Henry Street fired at them and the buildings eventually caught fire. Cathal Brugha, in command at the Granville hotel, refused to surrender and was cut down by machine gun fire as he walked out of the blazing hotel. By July 5^th, most of O’Connell Street (Dublin’s main street) was destroyed, 64 people were killed and 300 wounded. In reality, the anti-Treaty IRA had advantages in numerical and experience terms in the early months of 1922. That was the most likely period for successful military opposition to the Treaty.¹⁴ A Provisional Government source at the time estimated Republican IRA numbers as 12,900, with 6,780 rifles. However, they did not strike then and by the summer, the Free State had built up a considerable army and had organised it effectively. Continuous talks between both sides, and peace moves such as the failed Collins-DeValera pact meant that the country teetered for months on the edge of a knife: finally, with the shelling of the Four Courts, the knife cut, and outright war began.

The Irregulars reconsidered another attempt on Dublin through Blessington in Wicklow, and instead decided to fall back on Munster. The ‘Munster Republic’ was an area stretching from Limerick to Waterford, where support for the anti-Treaty IRA was strongest. Liam Lynch became leader of the Republicans following Rory O’Connor’s surrender in Dublin. Mulcahy had released Lynch and Liam Deasy from prison in Dublin, in the belief that they would return to the countryside and try to get their anti-Treaty comrades to agree to peace. The 1^st Southern Division, of which Lynch was in charge, helped ensure that the Republican military effort was henceforth to be decentralised. The Four Courts garrison, who had advocated a Dublin-centred policy, had been arrested. The anti-Treaty IRA now operated out of Munster. But such a vast territory was impossible to defend with the limited number of soldiers. When the various Republican barracks came under pressure from the Provisional Government troops there was usually little attempt to hold the line. The Republicans frequently evacuated and burnt their garrison buildings in important centres such as Sligo, Castlebar, Clonmel and Waterford, when major confrontation appeared imminent. Meanwhile, the Provisional government began a huge recruitment drive and soon had an army of tens of thousands. Large unemployment at the time meant that it was an attractive job. For many ex-British soldiers, refused entry into the anti-Treaty IRA, it was a chance to continue a way of life to which they had grown accustomed.¹⁵ They were also able to borrow war materials from British garrisons still remaining in Ireland. They had the administrative machine at their disposal with a regular, if small, revenue emanating from it. On July 12^th the government created the War Council, appointing Michael Collins as Commander-in-Chief. Richard Mulcahy, the Minister for Defence, became his Chief of Staff, with General Eoin O’Duffy commanding the South-Western Division.

The government army attacked the Republicans in Munster by sea. A force which landed at Fenit on the north side of Tralee Bay went on to take Tralee town and over-run North Kerry. On July 21^st the Provisional Government Army used artillery to attack the Republicans in Limerick, in a similar tactic to the attack on the Four Courts garrison. The Republicans burnt the remaining barracks and retreated out of the city after sustaining some casualties, which handed control of Limerick to the Provisional Government. The government now controlled the estuary of the River Shannon and could send boats to patrol around Munster. Republican units in Clare and the midlands were henceforth cut off from their Munster colleagues.¹⁶ The fiercest fighting of the whole war then occurred in east county Limerick, where the Republicans initially defeated the government troops. But reinforcements from land and sea in early August eventually gave the Provisional Government an overwhelming numerical advantage and the Republicans were forced to retreat back towards Cork and Kerry. In late July Waterford City was taken by the government, effectively ending the Republican war in that area. The Free Staters also landed at Passage West in Cork Harbour and a combined sea and land attack ensured that the city was quickly evacuated, the Irregulars forced to retreat westwards. Many Republicans gave up the fight at this time and returned to their homes. By the end of August 1922, most of the major cities and towns were in the hands of the National Army. The Irregulars could clearly not hope to win the war, yet the fighting dragged on well into 1923. Ambushes, assassinations, reprisals, booby traps on roads and the torturing of prisoners were to follow.

The Lingering Guerilla War

I’ll hardly be shot in my own county-

Michael Collins, August 1922¹⁷

He is a big man and if things fall into the hands of lesser men anything might happen-

Eamon DeValera speaking on the death of Michael Collins, August 1922¹⁸

By early August it became clear the that although the Provisional Government now controlled most of the towns in Munster, it did not have any real control over the large areas surrounding the towns. The Republicans in Cork and Kerry remained intact, and having retreated into the countryside, resorted to guerilla warfare. This proved much harder to defeat than taking back towns from the Republicans. Emmet Dalton wrote-

They [the Republicans] have now adopted a type of warfare, of which they have years of experience. They now operate over territory which they know. They are now better armed and better trained than they were against the British. In short, they have placed me and my Troops in the same position as the British were a little over a year ago.¹⁹

Although the Republicans had reasonable success with these tactics, over time their moral sunk lower and lower, and public opinion increasingly turned against them. They knew that they had no real hope of defeating the government troops.

On August 12^th 1922 Arthur Griffith died of a brain haemorrhage. Ten days later Michael Collins, aged just 31, was killed in an ambush at Beal na mBlath in West Cork, not far from where he was born. They were replaced by W.T. Cosgrave and Kevin O’Higgins who adopted a more hard line, less sympathetic approach when dealing with the Irregular forces. Cosgrave chillingly stated-

I am not going to hesitate and if the country is going to live and if we have to exterminate ten thousand Republicans, the three million of our people are bigger than this ten thousand.²⁰

Collins had always advocated peace with the Irregulars, men with whom he had fought and admired greatly. He had reluctantly declared war on these men, but was not prepared to absolutely annihalate them to achieve victory. It is a matter of speculation what he would have done in the months ahead had he lived, but his death certainly resulted in a more bloodthirsty approach being taken by the Free State. One of Cosgrave’s first moves as President was to merge the Dail and Provisional Governments. The third Dail, elected in June 1922, was not recognised by Eamon DeValera and the anti-Treaty TDs. Regardless, in September it passed an Emergency Powers Act, which allowed the Irish army to hold military courts and impose the death penalty for a wide range of offences, including the unauthorised possession of arms. The harshness of this policy can be demonstrated by the case of the anti-Treaty Erskine Childers. He was given the death sentence for possession of an ornamental gun given to him by Michael Collins, and died before a firing squad on November 24^th.

In October the anti-Treaty TDs set up a republican government with DeValera as President. In practice the IRA paid little heed to the politicians. On December 6^th 1922 the Irish Free State officially came into existence. The following day a Dail deputy was killed and another wounded by the Irregulars, who had began a campaign against Dail and Senate members. In response four major offence prisoners, one from each of the provinces, were executed without trial or legal process of any kind by the Free State government. Rory O’Connor, who had been best man at Kevin O’Higgins’ wedding the previous summer, was one of the four executed. The Irregulars had increasingly resorted to guerilla warfare, but this didn’t prove as successful as in the War of Independence. Both sides knew the countryside, and the Irregulars had fewer safe houses to go to. The Irish Catholic bishops heavily supported the government, which was an important fact in a country so dominated by religion like Ireland. Public opinion overall supported the Free State and longed for peace.

The guerilla phase of the war was most bitterly fought in Kerry, the extreme southwest county in Ireland. Pro-Treaty forces occupied the towns, but numerous Republican columns roamed the countryside. There were frequent skirmishes between the sides, and rumours of prisoners beatings and tortures by the Provisional troops in particular. In early March nine Republican prisoners were tied together, several having broken limbs due to their ‘interrogation’ with hammers by the government troops earlier in Tralee barracks. The prisoners were placed in a ring around a landmine, which was then exploded by the government army officer. Several more Black and Tan-like incidents perpetrated by Free State soldiers occurred in Kerry around this time. Guerilla fighting continued intermittently in the southwest into the spring and early summer of 1923. By April 1923, 77 Republicans had been executed under the emergency powers resolution, with about twice as many killed in unofficial reprisals. Large numbers of Republicans had also been captured and imprisoned. Liam Lynch, the Irregulars leader, was shot dead in the Knockmealdown Mountains. One of the men with him at this ambush describes what happened-

‘The ‘Staters’ appeared over a rise and our first shots were exchanged… When we reached the end of the river bed we had to retreat up a bare, coverless shoulder of the mountain. This was the chance for the ‘Staters’. About fifty of them had a clear view of us between 300 and 400 yards range and they rattled away with their rifles as fast as they could work their bolts.’²¹

Lynch had been the personification of continued military resistance to the Free State. His death demoralised the Republicans who had been fighting on with little public support and in harsh war-like conditions for months. He was replaced by Frank Aiken, a more liberal man who realised the practicality of the situation. Aiken and Eamon DeValera helped bring about a ceasefire in May 1923. It was not accompanied by any formal talks or peace treaty, and the Republicans didn’t surrender their arms. For many the ceasefire was simply a pause in hostilities, and the struggle for an Irish Republic would begin another day.

Conclusion

War with the foreigner brings to the fore all that is best and noblest in a nation- civil war all that is mean and base-

Frank Aiken, IRA leader²²

The Irish Civil War left a cloud of bitterness that hung over the country for decades. IRA men who had previously fought side by side to achieve independence from the British Empire had turned the gun on each other. Brutal reprisals by both sides would not be easily forgotten. Several thousand people were killed in the war, including some of the key political figures of the day- Michael Collins, Arthur Griffith, Cathal Brugha, Rory O’Connor and Liam Lynch. Estimates of the cost of the Civil War put it at £50 million (the sum of the property damage and the cost of financing the war), a huge sum in those days (equivalent to over €2 billion today). Employment was huge, the State had an enormous army that could not be sustained in peace-time, antagonism between pro and anti-Treatyites would linger on for decades, and to the world at large the Irish Free State was a tarnished mess. New political parties would have to emerge from the crumbling of Sinn Fein, split down the middle by the war. In the years ahead, the pro-Treaty party Fine Gael (originally Cummann na nGaedhal), headed by W.T. Cosgrave, and the anti-Treaty party Fianna Fail, led by Eamon DeValera, would become the main political parties in Ireland. But to this day they have never formed a coalition government together, such is the remaining tension between them.

The Irish Civil War is one of the least talked about chapters in the country’s history. IRA commanders like Tom Barry and Dan Breen both wrote books on their experiences in the War of Independence: both concluded their novels upon the signing of the Treaty. The majority of IRA men, like Barry and Breen, whose fighting had helped to achieve the Irish Free State, were against it. The people who brought about the Free State were generally ex-British soldiers and men who hadn’t originally fought for the IRA. The men that they had to overcome where generally those who had brought about the military stalemate with Britain in the first place. A lot of anti-Treatyite IRA men were forced to emigrate, left to spend their last days abroad brooding over what might have been.

Michael Collins argument that the Anglo-Irish Treaty was a ‘stepping-stone’ to achieve further freedom was ironically proven by Eamon DeValera’s later governments, which slowly loosened any remaining ties to the British Empire. A Republic of Ireland was finally declared in 1949, excluding the six northern counties (when DeValera was briefly out of power), and this passed with little fuss.

References:

¹Pg. 157 of 1922: The Birth of Irish Democracy by Tom Garvin (Dublin, 1996)
²Pg. 66 of The Civil War: 1922-1923 by Eoin Neeson (Dublin, 1966)
³Pg. 7 of Green Against Green: The Irish Civil War by Michael Hopkinson (Dublin, 1988)
⁴Ibid, pg. 8
⁵Ibid, pg. 36
⁶Pg. 263 of Revolution In Ireland: 1906-1923 by W. Allison Phillips (Dublin, 1923)
⁷Pg. 46 of Green Against Green: The Irish Civil War by Michael Hopkinson (Dublin, 1988)
⁸Pg. 92 of 1922: The Birth of Irish Democracy by Tom Garvin (Dublin, 1996)
⁹Pg. 40 of Green Against Green: The Irish Civil War by Michael Hopkinson (Dublin, 1988)
¹⁰Pg. 91 of The Civil War: 1922-1923 by Eoin Neeson (Dublin, 1966)
¹¹Pg. 112 of The Civil War: 1922-1923 by Eoin Neeson (Dublin, 1966)
¹²Pg. 117 of The Civil War: 1922-1923 by Eoin Neeson (Dublin, 1966)
¹³UCD AD, Hugh Kennedy Papers, P4/390
¹⁴Pg. 59 of Green Against Green: The Irish Civil War by Michael Hopkinson (Dublin, 1988)
¹⁵Pg. 131 of The Civil War: 1922-1923 by Eoin Neeson (Dublin, 1966)
¹⁶Pg. 150 of Green Against Green: The Irish Civil War by Michael Hopkinson (Dublin, 1988)
¹⁷ Pg. 234 of The Civil War: 1922-1923 by Eoin Neeson (Dublin, 1966)
¹⁸Pg. 251 of The Civil War: 1922-1923 by Eoin Neeson (Dublin, 1966)
¹⁹Pg. 174 of Green Against Green: The Irish Civil War by Michael Hopkinson (Dublin, 1988)
²⁰ Pg. 163 of 1922: The Birth of Irish Democracy by Tom Garvin (Dublin, 1966)
²¹Pg. 289-290 of The Civil War: 1922-1923 by Eoin Neeson (Dublin, 1966)
²²Pg. 273 of Green Against Green: The Irish Civil War by Michael Hopkinson (Dublin, 1988)
Bibliography

Green Against Green: The Irish Civil War by Michael Hopkinson (Dublin, 1988).

The Civil War: 1922-1923 by Eoin Neeson (Dublin, 1966).

1922: The Birth of Irish Democracy by Tom Garvin (Dublin, 1996).

Revolution In Ireland: 1906-1923 by W. Allison Phillips (Dublin, 1923).

Michael Collins by Tim Pat Coogan (Dublin, 1991).

The Irish Counter-Revolution: 1921-1936 by John M. Regan (Dublin, 1999)